When Georges-Louis Bouchez sat down with The Brussels Times at MR headquarters in Brussels, his message was clear and uncompromising: The political left in Brussels has lost its way, contaminated by the radical left, to the point that he sees virtually no difference.
For Bouchez, the lines have blurred on issues like communitarianism, public spending, and security. The mainstream left, he claims, has become paralysed, afraid to engage in honest debate on sensitive topics such as crime and migration, and wary of accusations of racism or discrimination. "They refuse to confront reality," he says, referring to crime statistics that show a high proportion of arrests in Brussels involve undocumented migrants. To him, it’s symptomatic of a political current that has grown increasingly disconnected from the factual reality.
But his criticism runs deeper than policy inertia. What troubles Bouchez most is what he perceives as the left’s strained relationship with democracy. "Every time they lose at the ballot box, they head to the streets," he says. "They blockade the democratic process. Instead of accepting the electorate’s verdict, they question its legitimacy." It’s a pattern he believes extends beyond Belgium’s borders. He points out that Emmanuel Macron’s victories have sparked immediate protests in France. In Belgium, demonstrators take to the streets before governments are sworn in. "That’s not how democracy works," he insists.
The radical drift
According to Bouchez, this radicalism doesn’t stop at political parties. It’s entrenched in NGOs and trade unions, the entire system of institutions that shapes public discourse. A voter casting a ballot for a traditional left-wing party may think they’re participating in healthy democratic debate, Bouchez argues. In reality, he claims, they’re propping up a movement that uses moral intimidation to impose a single, rigid way of thinking. "There’s a dictatorship of thought emerging," he says, "where people are afraid to speak their minds."
The comparison with other European democracies is, for him, both obvious and troubling. He describes a continent where democratic norms are being eroded by street politics and radical posturing. But Bouchez, never one to shy away from provocative analogies, goes further – drawing a parallel between this European drift and a figure who has loomed large over global politics in recent years.
The Madman theory
Donald Trump's name inevitably came up, though Bouchez is quick to clarify his position. He dismisses Trump's more outlandish rhetoric – particularly the bizarre claims about migrants eating cats and dogs... "I don’t share his views, especially his unilateralism," Bouchez says firmly. Yet, there’s a grudging respect. What people fail to grasp, he argues, is that Trump is not a politician but a businessman. And businessmen, Bouchez contends, get things done.
He references Trump's role in brokering a ceasefire in Ukraine recently as an example of what he calls the "the art of the deal" (Trump's best selling book): a blend of seduction, bluff, and raw intimidation. It’s a strategy Bouchez links to the so-called "madman theory" of diplomacy, a concept popularised by Richard Nixon. Nixon wanted adversaries to believe he was unpredictable, maybe even irrational – too dangerous to provoke. In Bouchez's telling, Trump uses a similar tactic. "He doesn’t communicate. He negotiates," Bouchez says. And whether one approves or not, it resonates with voters hungry for decisive leadership.
Winner takes all
That hunger for strong leadership, Bouchez insists, isn’t unique to the United States. He sees it in Belgium, too. The latest Noir Jaune Blues survey suggests that 69% of Belgians long for a leader who can cut through bureaucratic red tape. Bouchez believes that Belgians are not yearning for authoritarianism, but for efficiency.
Belgium's complex federal structure, with its overlapping jurisdictions and competing layers of government, is, in his view, part of the problem. "No one knows who’s responsible for what," he says. "And that makes it impossible to act decisively." He dreams of a presidential system – one leader, one clear mandate, and fewer compromises. In times of crisis, he argues, Belgium can’t afford the luxury of endless negotiations. "We need leadership that’s accountable," Bouchez declares, "not a game of pass-the-parcel."
Brussels in gridlock
Nowhere is this dysfunction clearer, he says, than in Brussels. His assessment of the capital’s governance is scathing. "It’s a disaster," Bouchez sighs. "Too many ministers, too many jurisdictions, and no accountability." His prescription is radical but simple: streamline the system. Cut through the administrative maze. "Five or six ministers max," he suggests. "We need to get rid of the overlapping structures, the redundant police zones, the para-regional authorities. It’s all paralysing the city."
And the consequences are everywhere, he says: in the city’s struggles with crime, sanitation, and mobility. "Brussels is a jewel," Bouchez says wistfully. "But we’re letting it rot through incompetence."
Planting ideas that grow
Despite the harsh critiques, Bouchez insists he’s in politics to build, not just to tear down. His theory of political change is simple: ideas matter. He likens them to seeds. "You plant them," he explains, "and eventually they take root." For him, politics isn’t just about policy, it’s performative utterance: say something often enough, and it reshapes public debate. Over time, what once seemed radical becomes common sense.
He points to the MR’s push to limit unemployment benefits, a controversial stance that has gradually gained mainstream acceptance. "That’s what I believe in," he says. "Transforming society by shifting the conversation." It’s why, as party president, he has repositioned MR as an unapologetic center-right force. "We’ve always believed in work, merit, and security," Bouchez says. "What we’re saying today, we’ve believed for years within these walls. We just stayed silent, wary of the backlash. But that caution belongs to the past."
While discussing France's politics and history, Bouchez expressed his admiration for Napoleon, as a historical figure, not for his empire, but for his capacity to unite fractured societies and drive reform. "I’m a fan of Napoleon," he admits with a smile. "He understood leadership and pragmatism."
Integration and assimilation go hand in hand
When asked about immigration, Bouchez believes in a model where cultural roots are respected, but assimilation remains key. "When you live in Belgium," he says, "your first loyalty is to this country." He cites the example of Belgian-born footballers who opt to play for other national teams as a troubling symptom of a deeper issue. "It raises questions about belonging," he says. "If you’re born, educated, and trained here, and you still choose to represent a country you hardly know, that’s a problem."
For Bouchez, Belgium must reassert its core values. "We need to be clear about the rules of the game. If you work in public administration, you leave your religion at the door. If you choose to live in Belgium, you respect its laws and customs."
A father’s perspective
As the interview winds down, Bouchez’s tone softens. Parenthood, he confides, has deepened his convictions. Being a father has further shaped his focus on meritocracy and opportunity. "I want a world where my child – and every child has the tools to succeed," he says. It’s not about promising equal outcomes but ensuring equal chances.
He acknowledges that some children will always be more gifted than others. That’s life. But he insists that society’s role is to give every child a fair shot. "That’s what drives me," Bouchez says. "I want to leave a system my son can be proud of."
And when he reflects on his career, 25 years in politics, guided by the same principles – it’s clear that his personal and political journeys have converged. "I’ve always believed in this," he says quietly. "Now I say it out loud."
Love him or loathe him, Georges-Louis Bouchez is not in the business of softening his words. In his world, politics is a battleground of ideas where hesitation is weakness and clarity is power. Whether his seeds of change grow into something lasting (or just rot) is a question for the voters. But one thing’s certain: he has never planned on staying silent.
