Belgian magistrate Michel Claise, known for his role in major financial crime cases like Qatargate, has become an outspoken critic of Belgium's failure to address systemic corruption. His concerns are particularly urgent in light of recent assessments from Transparency International, the Eurobarometer, and GRECO, which all highlight a growing corruption problem and the country’s inadequate response.
Claise describes a pervasive culture of corruption within Brussels' municipal administrations. "Corruption here isn't episodic," Claise told The Brussels Times. "I wouldn't say it's entirely systemic, but it's unquestionably present. There is an underlying structure that makes it thrive." Civil servants and police officers at the local level and those in direct contact with the public are the most vulnerable. He explains how intermediaries connect desperate individuals with corrupt officials, often for substantial bribes.
"You have intermediaries who take large sums from people needing papers," Claise explains. "Then they bribe municipal officials. This has become routine in certain communes."
According to Claise, forged documents such as driving licences, residence permits, and building permits are regularly produced through these illicit networks. He points to recent police raids that uncovered widespread forgery operations.
"The existence of an organised network capable of producing fake documents at the communal level has been proven," Claise says. "Several municipalities are impacted. It's on the verge of becoming a systemic issue."
The former investigating judge further explained multiple cases where local police accepted payments to validate fictitious addresses, enabling individuals to obtain residency or work permits fraudulently.
"Whether they work in a commune or at a CPAS, these public servants hold positions that are particularly susceptible to corruption," Claise notes.
CPAS building, Saturday 29 August 2020. Credit: Belga/Bruno Fahy
Anderlecht CPAS scandal
Two undercover journalists posing as student applicants used fake addresses and cover stories to successfully receive "living wage" benefits from the Public Centre for Social Welfare (CPAS) of Anderlecht.
The VRT documentary (and subsequent report) revealed that hundreds of fraudulent claims for financial assistance with energy bills and income aid were paid without adequate checks. Particularly damning were indications that officials within the public body could have facilitated certain cases.
At the heart of the scandal was Mustapha Akouz (PS), president of Anderlecht's CPAS from 2018 until mid-2024. Accused of cronyism and abuse of power, Akouz was grilled by MPs during a special hearing. Belgian Justice Minister Vincent Van Quickenborne famously described Akouz's office as the "corridor of miracles," where aid requests were mysteriously approved.
Claise sees the scandal as emblematic of the broader problem. "These are public servants too," he says. "The same vulnerabilities exist whether in CPAS administrations or other local services."
One of Claise's deepest concerns is the lack of resources dedicated to fighting corruption. While Belgium has frameworks in place, they are woefully underfunded and understaffed. "If we had the means, there would be more investigations," Claise insists. "It's not a lack of political will in terms of intent, but a real issue of budget and staffing."
He describes the justice system as overwhelmed. "We're facing a tsunami of cases with a paper boat," Claise says grimly. "The system cannot keep up. Some elites act as if they are untouchable."
The Central Office for Corruption Repression (CTIF) and local police zones are struggling with chronic underfunding. "In Brussels, I don't know of a single commune that isn't impacted by a cruel shortage of personnel," Claise adds.
'Old boys' networks'
Journalists who have investigated Belgian corruption often highlight the role of "old boys' networks" and party machines. In Wallonia, for instance, the Socialist Party's long dominance in certain cities has been linked to extensive clientelism: jobs and contracts often flowed to loyalists, blurring the line between party service and public service.
The Publifin scandal was uncovered by dogged local reporters and was initially dismissed by some officials as an exaggeration until documents proved the extent of the bogus payments. The media's exposure of that case prompted a collapse of the regional government coalition – a prime example of journalism driving accountability.
Similarly, Le Soir's investigative reporting was crucial in unravelling Kazakhgate. They uncovered confidential letters and money trails, alleging the exact sum paid to Armand De Decker for his lobbying efforts.
Whistle-blowers and digitalisation
Claise highlighted the crucial role whistle-blowers play in uncovering corruption. "This is a crime committed between two consenting parties," he explains. "Without whistle-blowers, it's almost impossible to detect."
He welcomes recent European efforts to strengthen whistle-blower protections. "The European directive on whistle-blowers is a great step forward," he says, noting that it mirrors the United States' longstanding Whistle-blower Act.
Digitalisation, Claise argues, is another key tool in limiting corruption. Reducing face-to-face interactions between officials and citizens minimises opportunities for bribery. "Making administrative processes more digital can drastically reduce corruption risk," he says.
Belgium is falling behind
While Belgium has consistently ranked better in the corruption perception index (it was 16th of 180 countries surveyed in 2023), in the eyes of citizens the country is losing ground. Transparency International highlights a concerning drop in 2024 as Belgium fell from 73 to 69 points, making it the 22nd global ranking.
Moreover, citizens' attitudes measured in the Eurobarometer in 2024 show that around 66% of Belgians perceive corruption as a widespread problem, whether at the level of national or local institutions.
Public perception has been impacted by a series of corruption scandals that have hit Belgian institutions and public services. Just last year, several Brussels mayors, aldermen, and commune staff faced legal consequences for abuse of office, fraud, and bribery.
Claise is blunt in his assessment of Belgium's failure to implement anti-corruption reforms. GRECO (the Council of Europe's anti-corruption body) issued Belgium 22 recommendations in 2019. By 2024, only five had been enacted.
"The deadline was June 2021. Belgium is not a good student in the fight against corruption," Claise says. "We're lagging dangerously behind."
Calls for an anti-corruption agency
Claise believes Belgium urgently needs an independent anti-corruption agency, similar to France's. "Belgium isn't Mexico," he remarks, "but we can't afford complacency." He warns that corruption threatens the core of Belgian democracy.
"What we are detecting is just the tip of the iceberg," Claise warns. "And the longer we wait, the more trust in our democratic institutions erodes."
He calls for European-level coordination in the fight against corruption, proposing that the European Public Prosecutor's Office be given powers to investigate corruption. "Just as we have Europol and Eurojust fighting money laundering, narcotics trafficking, and cybercrime, we need a European task force to combat corruption."
Claise argues that unchecked corruption risks undermining the very values Brussels claims to uphold. "Belgian democracy is in terrible danger," he concludes. "If we don't act decisively, we risk losing the public's trust – and that is the foundation of any democracy."
